The commemoration of the 40th anniversary of Ninoy Aquino Jr.’s murder last Monday prompted the usual speculation about the mastermind behind the crime. In a commentary I wrote in 2017, I acknowledged the difficulty of finding clarity in the chaotic state of the Philippines in 1983. Ninoy had made plans to return in August of that year to prepare for the upcoming elections in 1984. One could interpret the situation similar to King Henry II of England, who famously uttered, “Will no one rid me of this troublesome priest?” which his eager courtiers took as a literal command to assassinate Archbishop Thomas Becket.
In 2018, Artemio Panganiban summarized the various investigations into Ninoy’s murder. The evidence pointed to General Fabian Ver, who was indicted but had fled the country and could not be convicted. Panganiban concluded that the question of a mastermind remained a legal mystery once Ver passed away in exile.
According to the Cambridge Dictionary, a mastermind is someone who meticulously plans and successfully executes a difficult activity, often a crime. Ver’s avoidance of trial not only saved him from being sentenced but also made it impossible to determine if he acted under someone’s orders. Furthermore, by the time the Marcos regime fell and they went into exile, enough time had passed for the trail to grow cold. It was Ferdinand Marcos who ultimately orchestrated the events leading to Ninoy’s murder.
Marcos could have sacrificed his trusted generals who were in charge of airport security. However, when one holds absolute power, they also bear absolute responsibility. To be all-powerful means to have all-knowingness. Marcos himself stated in an interview on September 9, 1983, that he would have known if any member of his government was involved, even at a lower level, as he understood their mindset and intentions.
Marcos did not shy away from influencing the acceptable narrative. In May 1984, he spoke to CBS and insisted that the newspapers were biased, and the evidence implicated Rolando Galman as the killer. He also claimed that there were intelligence reports linking the communist party to the assassination. However, these claims were not presented to the commission tasked with investigating the murder. A review of events in 1986 by Chief Justice Claudio Teehankee revealed that both the majority and minority reports from the Agrava Board rejected the military’s assertion that Galman was the assassin. Instead, they agreed there was a military conspiracy. The difference lied in the majority report implicating Ver and 26 others, while Corazon Agrava’s report only implicated six soldiers and Gen. Luther Custodio.
It is possible to give Marcos and his wife, Imelda, the benefit of the doubt by conjecturing that the plot was hatched while Marcos was recovering from a kidney transplant donated by his son.
Teodoro M. Locsin, who had insight into Marcos, stated that the dictator had a military mindset and may have considered assassination as an option when evaluating the implications of Ninoy’s return. This evaluation likely took place in May, not August. Imelda, Marcos, and Juan Ponce Enrile issued escalating warnings to Ninoy, and Ver’s authority also increased during this period.
On August 1, as Marcos prepared to go into seclusion for his transplant, he announced that control over the Philippine National Police would be transferred from Fidel V. Ramos to Ver. A week before Ninoy’s arrival, Marcos confirmed his death sentence imposed by a military tribunal six years prior.
On August 20, Ninoy received a phone call warning him of a possible assassination at the Manila International Airport, but the soldiers would intercept the hitman. By August 21, Ver instructed Custodio to arrest Ninoy and bring him to the Military Security Command in Fort Bonifacio.
Marcos had no choice but to acquit all the accused of Ninoy’s murder, not just some. This is not an opinion but a fact recognized by the Supreme Court when it ordered a retrial. Justice Amuerfina Melencio-Herrera pointed out that the original trial was designed to protect the accused, as the principle of double jeopardy would prevent future proceedings. To be selective in the prosecution would have invited individuals to reveal more information.
By saving Ver, the prime suspect, Marcos took responsibility for the conspiracy, even if he was not the mastermind.
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