In his prime, Ferdinand Marcos Sr. was renowned for his political maneuvering, often compared to the art of jujitsu. Recent events have revived this comparison, as a vice president who demanded power found herself outmaneuvered by the president and his allies, making her influential father appear powerless. Let’s delve into the details of this intriguing story.
During his tenure as mayor of Davao, Rodrigo Duterte challenged senators who questioned him, asserting that confidential funds were Davao’s sole concern. This stance proved valid, forcing the senators to back down. This foundation of governance continued when Duterte assumed the presidency. His predecessor allocated P517 million to confidential, extraordinary, and intelligence expenses. In Duterte’s first year as president, this amount skyrocketed to P2.5 billion annually until the midterms (2017-2019). Following his impressive midterm victory, the allocation nearly doubled to P4.5 billion per year (2020-2022). These enormous sums of money provided the former president with unprecedented control.
While Machiavelli argued that it is better to be feared than loved, Duterte believed that commanding both fear and generosity would secure both respect and adoration. However, once out of office, Duterte would lack such colossal financial resources, leaving someone else with billions of reasons to be loved.
The president’s daughter, following in her father’s footsteps, requested similar exorbitant funding for intelligence purposes. Surprisingly, she was outmaneuvered in the allocation of these funds, her request falling by the wayside. But not before a captivating congressional showdown took place. The vice president demanded her funds, and the president’s eldest son, acting as the good cop, proposed dismissing all objections. But when the bad cops intervened, the funds were redirected to the military and coast guard. This decision infuriated the vice president, and even the speaker, who had remained silent until then, voiced his agreement. Hence, the funds were allocated elsewhere. The president himself distanced himself from the conflict, leaving the vice president with no grounds for complaint. Any critical campaign against the president initiated by the vice president would undoubtedly fail in the court of public opinion.
The vice president’s quarrelsome father publicly criticized the speaker, suggesting an audit should the latter decide to run for president. This triggered an indignant response from party leaders in the House of Representatives, reproving the ex-president for using the speaker’s name in vain. This series of events resembled a shell game, wherein money and power shifted between the Dutertes—now visible, now hidden. It was like magic!
For local and national political leaders with control over both the executive and legislative branches, receiving an enormous intelligence or confidential fund from a loyal board or council ensures absolute accountability. Not even the national government can question these allocations. However, one must first obtain control of the presidency.
Recalling an anecdote about a Texan vice president who deemed his new role worthless, our own vice president may soon find herself sharing similar sentiments unless she can convince Congress to change its stance. Interestingly, this situation reflects another aspect of the Marcos-Romualdez strategy. They would take one step, assess the public’s reaction, and then either proceed or backtrack in response. Their approach was calibrated, in contrast to Duterte’s method of using brute force. So far, this strategy has proven successful in subduing the vice president and her influential father.
Email: [email protected]; Twitter: @mlq3
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