The School Lunch Revolution Ignited by Pandemic Aid

Before venturing into politics, specifically Congress and becoming the 41st governor of Minnesota, Tim Walz had a career as a high school social studies teacher and football coach in Mankato, a small city in southern Minnesota known for its soybean-crushing industry. During his time as a teacher, one of his responsibilities was monitoring student lunch payments and determining their eligibility for free meals. However, Walz recognized the inequities and tensions that arose from this system.

He explained, “Even when I started teaching, kids knew who had the other colored lunch ticket. And all of a sudden, you’ve created this situation of who didn’t have it, and we’ve created tensions of inequities in our very place where kids who need that lunch are.”

In the past two years, six states, including Minnesota, Vermont, Colorado, Maine, California, and New Mexico, have significantly expanded access to free school meals, prompted by the child hunger crisis during the COVID-19 pandemic and temporary federal aid to address it. Interestingly, these expansions have predominantly occurred in states with Democratic legislatures, although some have been implemented under Republican or libertarian-leaning Democratic governors.

This movement shows no signs of slowing down, as approximately 20 states have pending legislation on the issue this year. Even in states that have not yet adopted universal lunch availability, progress has been made in increasing access to meals.

Advocates fighting against hunger view this trend as a positive development. Crystal FitzSimons, director of school and out-of-school time programs at the Food Research & Action Center, believes this is good news and sees glimmers of hope for further progress. Another optimist is Annette Nielsen, executive director of the Hunter College New York City Food Policy Center, who acknowledges the potential for positive change but also remains realistic.

This newfound momentum among school meal advocates represents a marked shift from a few years ago when the focus was primarily on reducing school lunch shaming, a practice that stigmatized children from families with lunch debt.

So, why has the idea of universal free lunches gained traction now? Surprisingly, the answer lies in the COVID-19 pandemic. During the pandemic, the federal government relaxed restrictions on eligibility and availability of school meals and summer meal programs to alleviate the impact of lockdowns. As schools resumed in-person classes, the waivers allowing for simplified administration of meal programs remained in place, revealing how much more efficient and manageable the process was without excessive paperwork and verification of financial information.

However, these waivers expired last summer, prompting some states to take action. California and Maine passed laws implementing universal school breakfast and lunch programs, while Colorado voters approved a referendum to create a universal meal program. Vermont initially established a temporary program before enacting a permanent version in June. These programs rely on the Agriculture Department’s Community Eligibility Program (CEP) and supplement it with state funds.

The CEP enables school districts with at least 40% of students qualifying for free or reduced-price meals based on federal assistance programs to offer free meals to all students without requiring applications. This simplifies the process for schools and eliminates the need for tracking meal types or collecting lunch fees.

The sources of state funding vary from state to state. Colorado’s program is financed by eliminating income tax deductions for households earning $300,000 or more annually, while Vermont covers the costs through its education fund, separate from the general fund. Despite concerns about potential property tax increases, advocates argue that the overall cost is manageable. Hunger Free Vermont’s Anore Horton shared that the estimated budget for the temporary program was $29 million, but it is expected to cost less and potentially become more affordable over time.

Republican governors and lawmakers often express concerns about rising costs and taxes. The Republican Study Committee proposed eliminating the CEP in its recent budget plan and tightening income levels for eligibility to control spending and limit benefits to truly needy households.

Governor Walz, however, challenges the argument that the program benefits wealthy families. He pointed out the inconsistency of criticizing tax cuts for the wealthy while opposing free lunches for all children. The issue of charging wealthier families for school meals is unique and not raised in other aspects of school funding, such as bus rides.

Public opinion supports the concept of universal school meals. Polling conducted by the Food Research & Action Center indicates that 63% of voters would support making school meals available to all students. Even in states like North Dakota, where universal meals were not adopted, lawmakers expanded the eligibility income limit from 130% to 200% of the federal poverty level.

Governor Walz emphasized the widespread popularity of universal school meals, stating, “I can tell you there are few things that I’ve done that have been more universally popular.”

Senator Debbie Stabenow, chairwoman of the Senate Agriculture Committee, has a positive outlook on the future of universal school meals. She believes there is little chance that Congress will roll back these programs.

In conclusion, the push for universal school meals has gained significant momentum in recent years. The COVID-19 pandemic brought attention to the benefits of streamlined meal programs and eased restrictions, prompting several states to adopt or consider universal meal programs. While challenges and differing political viewpoints remain, advocates for ending child hunger are hopeful that progress will continue.

Reference

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