Vivek Ramaswamy, the innovative and forward-thinking 38-year-old entrepreneur vying for the Republican presidential nomination, has initiated a bold campaign against what he perceives as an antiquated and establishment foreign policy. In his pursuit of the nomination, he has expressed deep skepticism of NATO and proposed a range of ideas to reshape America’s approach to global affairs. These ideas include swiftly ending the war in Ukraine, disentangling Russia from China, and encouraging Taiwan to defend itself without relying on American support. Ramaswamy has even suggested reducing American financial aid to Israel, a stance typically considered politically infeasible in conservative circles, albeit with the caveat that it would only be done with Israel’s approval. To bolster his stance, Ramaswamy recently authored an essay in The American Conservative titled “A Viable Realism and Revival Doctrine,” where he drew inspiration from past presidents like George Washington, James Monroe, and Richard Nixon, whom he believes to be underappreciated figures in American history.
Ramaswamy’s unique and ambitious perspective has propelled him to become a rising star, surpassing many of his critics in the Republican primary race. As public opinion on the war in Ukraine continues to decline among Republicans, Ramaswamy’s call for a more restrained approach resonates strongly with the party’s nationalist wing, much like Donald Trump’s opposition to the Iraq War did in 2016. However, it is crucial to examine the feasibility and viability of Ramaswamy’s vision.
While Ramaswamy attempts to align himself with the realist school of thought, he often presents a hodgepodge of policy ideas that lack a grounding in reality. Realism typically centers around concepts such as maintaining a balance of power, protecting national interests, and acknowledging spheres of influence. Ramaswamy’s proposals, on the other hand, seem to be driven by wishful thinking rather than a realistic appraisal of global dynamics. In fact, his vision appears to be just as dogmatic as the neoconservative ideology he claims to reject, except with a complete aversion to interventionism. Additionally, his proposals may inadvertently harm American interests rather than promote them.
Ramaswamy’s focus on China as the primary source of global evil while downplaying the concerns of Russia, accused of committing war crimes in Europe, raises questions. He fails to provide a compelling explanation for China’s current challenges, such as its unstable economy, aging population, and environmental issues, which do not align with his portrayal of an imminent totalitarian power enslaving the next generation of Americans.
His portrayal of China echoes the anxieties expressed by American conservatives after World War II, in which some Republicans advocated for an “Asia First” approach, believing that providing aid to Europe was a mistake. They even suggested that American support to Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek would lead to the easy downfall of the communist regime in China. Ramaswamy’s efforts to avoid conflict with Beijing, while simultaneously calling for confrontation, could inadvertently increase the likelihood of a new global conflict.
In his article for The American Conservative, Ramaswamy extols Nixon as the president whose foreign policy he admires the most, arguing that Nixon “got us out of Vietnam.” However, this claim overlooks Nixon’s expansion of the war through secret bombings in Cambodia, which ultimately resulted in the rise of the genocidal Pol Pot regime. Furthermore, Ramaswamy’s understanding of Nixon’s approach to China is flawed. Nixon aimed to establish a stable equilibrium among the United States, China, and the Soviet Union through what he referred to as “triangular diplomacy,” while also fostering economic ties with the Soviet Union to prevent its expansion. Ironically, Ramaswamy now condemns this very approach when it comes to America’s longstanding policy towards China.
By declaring “Putin is the new Mao,” Ramaswamy hopes to court Russia and steer it away from China. He even proposes accepting Russian control over eastern Ukraine and opposing Ukraine’s membership in NATO in exchange for Russia withdrawing from its alleged military alliance with China. However, it is essential to note that these two countries do not have a formal military alliance. Moreover, Putin has consistently displayed a lack of interest in genuine peace negotiations regarding Ukraine, as he remains focused on reducing the country to an imperial Russian satellite.
Similar to Trump, Ramaswamy attempts to mask his seeming animosity towards democratic nations by criticizing Western Europe’s perceived inadequate military spending. However, military expenditures in Central and Western Europe have risen to $345 billion, almost 30% higher than a decade prior. The real obstacle to reform lies in the bureaucratic structure of NATO, which Ramaswamy claims promotes liberal internationalist missions indiscriminately. Ramaswamy’s plan to transform NATO into a “strictly defensive military alliance” is misguided, as NATO’s purpose is to ensure collective defense, not seek wars around the world arbitrarily.
Ramaswamy’s candidacy has exposed real divisions within the Republican Party concerning foreign policy. The Wall Street Journal has criticized him for seemingly betraying Ukraine, and National Review has questioned whether he is more interested in a geopolitical game show than the presidency. While some may dismiss his comments as mere bluster, Ramaswamy and other self-proclaimed realists responding to an alarming trend among American voters cannot be underestimated. As Ramaswamy continues to make audacious promises about restoring America’s national identity, we must remain vigilant in scrutinizing the feasibility of his proposals. The lessons learned from past salesmen of unrealistic visions compel us to do so.
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