There is an old joke about a lost traveler seeking directions. The local they ask offers a witty response: “If I were you, I wouldn’t start from here.” Similarly, the UK Foreign Secretary finds himself in a challenging situation regarding China policy. The foreign affairs committee published a report on the same day, identifying a lack of coherence in the UK government’s approach. James Cleverly faced a difficult starting point.
For a long time, the West took for granted that economic engagement with China would lead to a friendlier and politically supportive relationship. However, the UK made a significant mistake with George Osborne’s declaration of a “golden era” of Sino-British relations. The former Chancellor made it clear that human rights and other concerns were not a priority compared to business interests. China’s subsequent actions and rhetoric exposed the naivety and ethical issues behind this embrace. The reevaluation of China’s involvement in critical infrastructure was a necessary correction, but Liz Truss’s aggressive posturing is also misguided.
This situation unfolds in a rapidly changing world. US-China relations have deteriorated, and major players in Europe, like Germany and the European Union, are struggling to redefine their relationships with a more assertive and antagonistic Beijing. The shift in the global landscape has rendered previous assumptions obsolete. Former President Donald Trump’s return to power would add further instability, as he pursued a hawkish approach towards China while using various issues as bargaining chips for trade negotiations.
Mr. Cleverly emphasizes the need for a pragmatic relationship with China. This issue extends beyond economic considerations, given that China is the UK’s fourth-largest trading partner, with £107.5bn in bilateral trade and £152bn of Chinese-owned assets in the UK. In a recent speech, the foreign secretary acknowledged that China plays a crucial role in addressing global challenges such as climate change, pandemics, economic instability, and nuclear proliferation. However, he also highlighted Beijing’s ruthless authoritarianism, noting that domestic repression often leads to aggression abroad.
The key question now is how the UK will implement this approach. It is perplexing that the China strategy developed by the Foreign Office remains classified, inaccessible even to senior ministers or civil servants in other government departments. A public, unclassified version of the strategy would provide necessary guidance to various public and private entities. Understanding the risks associated with Chinese infrastructure equipment is crucial. Furthermore, as Beijing intensifies efforts to quell criticism abroad, the UK must make it clear that transnational repression will not be tolerated.
In reality, Beijing has become increasingly doctrinaire and isolationist, making it less receptive to challenges and influence. Modest successes will mostly arise from shared interests. Enhancing people-to-people contact is a positive step, although it becomes challenging when leaders become more hostile to outside influence. The UK must collaborate effectively with like-minded countries and ensure that it not only articulates its standards clearly but also upholds them domestically. Improving the government’s China strategy is not a difficult task, but implementing these improvements is the real challenge.
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