The Costly Toll of Ron DeSantis’ Concept of Freedom

Ron DeSantis’ inaugural address as a potential presidential candidate was a thought-provoking and introspective reflection on the factors he holds responsible for the decline of our nation. Standing against a mesmerizing backdrop of a towering American flag on an Iowa stage, he methodically listed off his targets: “cultural Marxism,” “woke ideology,” Hunter Biden, and corporate America.

He regaled the crowd with a tale about the media giant Disney, explaining how people warned him about the potential repercussions of tangling with such a powerful entity. However, DeSantis adamantly declared that he would not be intimidated and that he, not Disney, was in control of the state of Florida.

This marked a significant shift within the Republican Party, which has traditionally supported large corporations and financial institutions. Now, a majority of Republican voters view these entities with disdain. Presidential candidates like DeSantis are even openly confronting corporations like Bud Light for merely acknowledging the LGBTQ+ community. Moreover, DeSantis has initiated a direct conflict with Disney, the most valuable employer in Florida, simply because the company defended LGBTQ+ rights.

This clash between the Republican Party and corporate America represents a unique realignment in American politics. While the Republican Party has historically capitalized on prejudices against minorities, it has never before faced such a direct confrontation with the corporate world, a vital source of their influence. DeSantis aims to exploit this tension by positioning himself as America’s most formidable culture warrior. He wishes to peel away support from the original populist, Donald Trump, despite lacking the former president’s charm. DeSantis hopes that his battle with Disney will create the illusion that he poses a genuine threat to corporate America. Additionally, he has picked a separate fight against “woke banking.”

However, this illusion is precisely what it is. Discussions with Florida politicians, activists, and members of the business community reveal that DeSantis has avidly catered to special interests while engaging in fervent culture wars. DeSantis enjoys an almost dictatorial level of power in his state and has used it to grant significant favors to special interests. These favors include evading accountability, bypassing regulations, funding their preferred projects, and burdening ordinary taxpayers with bailouts and tax breaks. Surprisingly, DeSantis conducts these actions quite openly.

Immediately after launching his 2024 presidential campaign alongside Elon Musk on Twitter, DeSantis signed a law absolving private space companies like Musk’s SpaceX from liability for accidental employee deaths. These actions raised funds for his reelection campaign, and he subsequently transferred $82.5 million from his gubernatorial campaign to his presidential super PAC. As a declared presidential candidate, DeSantis continues to be a fundraising powerhouse, despite complaints from donors about his lack of charisma.

This does not mean that businesses get everything they desire. Rather, they get everything that DeSantis wants them to have. Although DeSantis builds his campaign on false narratives about LGBTQ+ individuals and fear-mongering tactics, he has identified a genuine concern regarding the limited counterbalance against corporate power. Even in states where Republican gerrymandering has marginalized popular opinion, consumer-facing companies remain connected to public sentiment. For instance, North Carolina’s anti-trans bathroom bill cost the state the NBA All-Star Game, while Georgia’s racist voting restrictions led to the loss of the MLB All-Star Game and draft. DeSantis recognizes the risk these actions pose to his political ascent but remains reliant on corporate financial support. Therefore, his attacks on corporate power primarily focus on diminishing it relative to his own.

The word is out: if you wish to gain favor with Governor DeSantis and his team, you must pay up. However, crossing him could be detrimental. He will not hesitate to remind you of who truly governs the state.

A Secure Grip on the Legislature

The Florida 2023 legislative session served as the prelude to DeSantis’ presidential campaign. The Republican supermajority controlled both the House and Senate, under the firm grip of DeSantis himself. Prominent lobbyist Brian Ballard marveled at DeSantis’ unparalleled control over the Tallahassee agenda, declaring that no other governor in recent memory possessed such authority.

Virtually every bill that passed during the session advanced DeSantis’ presidential ambitions, allowing him to campaign without resigning as governor and shielding his travel records from public scrutiny. He signed a ban on gender-affirming care for minors (temporarily blocked in federal court), a six-week abortion ban, a potentially unconstitutional law enabling non-unanimous juries to impose the death penalty, a significant expansion of private school vouchers, and even a bill to rename a road after the late Rush Limbaugh. His campaign spokesperson described these actions as his “blueprint for America’s revival.” DeSantis seeks to transform America into a reflection of Florida, where he successfully challenged the “woke elites” by taking on corporate power. In his second biography, “The Courage to Be Free,” DeSantis argued that traditional corporate Republicanism cannot address the challenges of our current environment.

Unfortunately, DeSantis’ carefully crafted narrative diverges from reality. While many may perceive him as the governor who bans books and drag shows, his legislative agenda reveals a different story.

“If you want to get in good with this governor and his team, you have to pay up.”

In June, after accepting over $2 million in donations from Florida car dealerships, DeSantis signed a law banning direct-to-consumer car sales, thereby solidifying those dealerships’ profits. Interestingly, the law contains an exception for Tesla, which relies heavily on direct sales and belongs to Elon Musk. Another law he signed exempts Minor League Baseball players from Florida’s minimum wage requirements. When the bill was introduced, minor league players were actively negotiating for higher minimum starting salaries of over $20,000. Independent journalist Jason Garcia, recognized as Florida’s leading chronicler of pay-to-play politics, denounced the bill as exceptionally callous. He likened it to a piece of legislation that Montgomery Burns, the fictional character from “The Simpsons,” would endorse. Curiously, the day after the bill’s introduction, Joe Ricketts, whose family owns the Chicago Cubs, donated $1 million to DeSantis’ 2022 reelection fund. Some donors have undoubtedly appreciated the remarkable return on their investments.

In May, DeSantis signed a bill providing insurance discounts for homeowners who install spray-foam insulation. This legislation was written by Huntsman Corporation, a struggling chemical company looking to sell spray-foam insulation. Huntsman Corporation, its CEO Peter Huntsman, and his mother Karen Huntsman contributed a combined $27,000 to DeSantis’ campaign. Additionally, the company hired DeSantis’ former chief of staff and ex-economic development director as lobbyists for the bill.

Even DeSantis’ messaging bills tend to favor his most significant benefactors. One crucial bill he pushed through the legislature prohibits Florida’s public pensions and state-held funds from considering environmental, social, and governance (ESG) factors before making investments. While DeSantis often disparages ESG investing as part of his “war on woke” campaign, this law serves multiple purposes. It also contains a provision aimed at punishing banks that refuse to do business with the GEO Group, a private prison contractor based in Florida and one of DeSantis’ earliest and most steadfast contributors.

These blatant acts of favoritism were not always a part of DeSantis’ approach. His journey to becoming the Governor of Florida included a grueling 2018 primary campaign, during which he garnered support from various Florida politicians and industries…

Reference

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