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A new generation has taken up the torch. Ten years after David Cameron’s dismissive comment to “get rid of all the green crap,” Rishi Sunak’s Conservatives are once again diluting their stance on environmentalism.
After winning a by-election in Uxbridge, where the backlash against London’s Labour mayor’s Ulez tax on polluting vehicles played a role, the Tories see an opportunity and a broader strategy. By standing up against expensive green policies, they believe they can not only win elections but also drive a political campaign against liberal orthodoxy, or what they call the battle with Big Everything.
To understand this strategy, we must first examine the electoral challenges facing Sunak. He faces two issues. First, parties win elections by presenting problems to solve. However, voters seem to have concluded that his government is the problem. Second, disillusioned supporters may choose not to vote. Sunak needs a new challenge to energize his base.
This brings us to the concept of Big Everything, which is already evident in Sunak’s attacks on Labour. It formalizes the Tory assault on the “blob,” a term that now encompasses Whitehall, “lefty” lawyers and judges, the media, green campaigners, regulators, universities, and trans-rights activists. In essence, it refers to the woke liberal establishment. According to this argument, although Brexit freed the UK from Brussels, leftist ideologies are still deeply embedded. Naturally, these dark forces, rather than governmental shortcomings, are seen as holding Britain back.
This argument was recently articulated by Paul Goodman, the influential editor of ConservativeHome, who said that the Tories need to champion democracy against an “Ascendancy” – a new ruling class consisting of cartel capitalists, resistant public services, quangocrats, regulators, government-funded lobbyists, and judicial review. Environmental lobbyists were also included in the list.
Thus, Big Everything emerges. It encompasses the Big State, Big Media, Big Quango, Big Finance, Big Judiciary, Big Green, and anything else that is disliked. This concept has its flaws, particularly considering the Tories’ 13 years in power without addressing it. Furthermore, Conservative policy itself has become increasingly centralized and big state-oriented. However, ideological consistency is rarely a deciding factor in elections.
Historically, Tories have criticized the “blob” with little impact. That is why the concept of net zero is crucial. It brings immediacy and direct financial implications to the argument. The Ulez fight convinced Conservatives that voters can be mobilized against heavy-handed green policies that cost them money. This can then be expanded into a broader attack on left-wing elites imposing unnecessary costs on the public.
There are risks for the Tories in this approach, as there is clear public support for the climate agenda, which every Tory PM from Margaret Thatcher to Boris Johnson has backed. Many Tory MPs also fear a retreat from net zero. However, Sunak, according to a friend, is “not that interested” in the issue. His tactic is to maintain a commitment to net zero goals while not taking enough action to achieve them. He calls this approach “proportionate and pragmatic” progress. Consequently, new oil licenses will be approved while costly green measures are delayed.
This strategy poses a threat to the opponents. Keir Starmer may have scaled back Labour’s green ambitions due to financial reasons, but they remain central to the party’s agenda. Starmer warned Labour to carefully consider any policy that the Tories highlight in their own leaflets. Climate policy will no longer go unchallenged, so measures with costs must be rigorous, charges well-justified, and compensation schemes more generous.
If the Conservatives can portray Labour as the political arm of Big Everything, a party enthralled by statist interference, climate change, and liberal ideologies, then the Tories have a strategy. Sunak is already attempting to associate Starmer with disruptive Just Stop Oil protesters and immigration lawyers.
Moreover, this attack holds power because it contains an element of truth. Voters can observe areas where liberal political values have become unquestionable dogma. Prior to the Ulez controversy, this argument seemed abstract, but now the Tories can assign a price to it.
If mishandled, green policy can serve as a weapon for the Tories if they present a lack of moderation as a precursor to additional taxes. They will argue that only they can restrain the well-off liberal elites from burdening ordinary people with costs and regulations. The appeal of pragmatism over dogma is evident. After all, we all prefer a path to progress that doesn’t involve unnecessary sacrifices.
However, relying solely on the green issue is insufficient, especially since the Tories must navigate carefully to avoid being perceived as climate change skeptics. But the attack can be broadened. The Tories can position themselves as pragmatists while painting Labour as succumbing to elitist ideologies that impose increased costs and taxes on drivers, pensions, and inheritances.
One doesn’t have to fully endorse this argument or overlook the Tories’ own ideological rigidity to recognize its potential impact. Can it save the Conservatives? Probably not, but it could provide them with a new challenge.
Meanwhile, Labour will be compelled to further test and justify its policies. Yet, that is not necessarily a bad thing for a party aspiring to govern.
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