Eran Schwartz bears a striking resemblance to a fighter pilot, with his trim, athletic physique and short black hair. Last week, he made an appearance on the Israeli television show Ofira and Berkowitz, donning a black V-neck T-shirt that showcased his physique, to defend his decision to end his service in the air-force reserves. Schwartz argued that it was not the pilots who broke the social contract but rather the state that violated its commitment to being both Jewish and democratic. He accused Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of dismantling Israel’s liberal democracy, leading the country towards the destruction of the Third Temple.
During the same show, Knesset member Matan Kahana, also a pilot, supported Schwartz’s views on Netanyahu’s destructive path. However, Kahana believed that the pilots were wrong in ending their service, as he saw their weaponry as essential for Judgment Day. He warned of the negative consequences of refusing to serve, claiming that it would tear the country apart and destroy the army.
Ofira Asayag, one of the show’s hosts, challenged Schwartz by stating that the country was already torn apart. This concise statement encapsulates the sentiment shared by millions of Israelis. The political crisis in Israel is no longer about supporting or opposing judicial reform; it is about the complete erosion of trust in the government. It signifies the breaking of something deeply sacred to many, leaving them with a sense that the country has already been destroyed.
Later in the show, Asayag posed a difficult question to Schwartz: if there were an emergency or an attack, would he get in a plane or not? Schwartz evaded the question, causing Asayag to notice his discomfort, cracked voice, and watery eyes. She confronted him by asking a seldom-asked question to a fighter pilot: why are you crying? Schwartz initially denied it but later admitted that he was thinking of his grandfather, one of the nation’s builders. He felt torn inside because he had to explain to his deceased grandfather why he was no longer serving a country that was leading itself towards destruction. The pain in his heart was evident as he expressed his brokenness.
Israel finds itself in a state of heartbreak, with its citizens plagued by disbelief at the current circumstances. Reservists, a fundamental component of the Israel Defense Forces’ readiness, have been opting out of service in droves. Some applaud this decision, while others dismiss it. These reservists have served in various elite units, including air-force squadrons, cyber warfare units, medical corps, and special operations formations. The impact of this exodus has depleted the fighting capabilities of the IDF, as noted by Herzi Halevi, the IDF chief of staff, and Yoav Gallant, the defense minister.
The healing of the army remains uncertain. If Israel were to withdraw from parts of the West Bank, would religious soldiers, who now constitute the majority of officers and largely oppose territorial compromise, obey these orders? The 2005 disengagement from Gaza demonstrated their obedience despite disagreements with the government’s policy. However, if opponents of judicial reform refuse to serve, it paves the way for other groups to follow suit. The country that has been at war since its establishment may soon find itself with a non-functioning army.
Critics of the ongoing protest movement in Israel make two straightforward claims. First, they argue that judicial reform has been necessary for a long time. Second, they remind people that the current government was democratically elected. These critics dismiss the protests as sore losers from the privileged class who founded Israel. They believe that the country’s demographics have changed, with the founders’ descendants now a minority.
Many of the protesters acknowledge the need for judicial reform but believed that Netanyahu’s proposal went too far. Even centrist academics agreed with this sentiment. The protest movement revealed the deep fear felt by millions of Israelis due to the proposed changes. They pleaded for a slower process, a national conversation, or a constitutional convention, as suggested by Netta Barak-Corren, a respected Hebrew University law professor.
However, those pushing for immediate and comprehensive reform, such as Justice Minister Yariv Levin and Simcha Rothman, the chair of the Knesset Committee on Constitution, Law, and Justice, rejected any attempts at moderation. They warned Netanyahu that hesitating would result in the end of his government.
As the crucial vote took place in the Knesset, Israelis watched Netanyahu, caught between Gallant’s pleas for compromise and Levin’s threats to bring down the government. The once masterful and manipulative Benjamin Netanyahu appeared diminished. During his minor heart procedure, he appointed Levin as acting prime minister, leading Israelis to jest that Netanyahu was out of sedation while Levin was still running the government – straight into disaster. Levin’s disregard for the elites who have contributed to Israel’s economic, technological, academic, cultural, and military power shattered the remaining social contract.
Israel’s societal fabric has been irreparably torn. Netanyahu has consistently included ultra-Orthodox parties in his government, relying on them as convenient coalition partners. These parties have little interest in foreign policy or most domestic issues, with their main demands being government funding for their school system and an exemption from military service for young Haredi men. Haredi schools provide inadequate secular education, leaving their graduates unprepared for the workforce. Granting exemptions from military service further isolates them from secular society.
David Ben-Gurion, Israel’s first prime minister, made this deal in the early years, assuming that the Haredim would be an anomaly that would eventually disappear. However, the Haredim have now become a powerful force in Israel. Each year, the number of exemptions from military service for Haredi men has skyrocketed, while the overall population has only grown modestly. The previous government implemented measures to introduce secular studies into Haredi schools that receive government funding. Although the Israeli public still expressed discontent about Haredim not serving in the army, they found solace in the progress made.
Netanyahu’s coalition deal with the ultra-Orthodox parties, exempting their schools from teaching secular studies and promising to permanently exempt Haredi men from military service, shattered the already fragile tolerance.
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