The evolution of Russia’s internet landscape following the invasion of Ukraine is marked by a significant surge in censorship, with a thirtyfold increase. This revelation comes from a recent report by Citizen Lab, a research group at the University of Toronto specializing in analyzing online censorship in authoritarian countries. The study offers a comprehensive assessment of the extent of Russian internet censorship since the conflict began in February 2022.
To compile their findings, Citizen Lab meticulously examined over 300 court orders issued by the Russian government against Vkontakte (VK), one of the country’s largest social media platforms. These court orders demanded the removal of accounts, posts, videos, and other content. Prior to the war, Russia issued internet takedown orders to VK approximately once every 50 days on average. However, following the onset of the conflict, this frequency escalated to nearly once a day.
Primarily, the court orders targeted news from independent media outlets, as well as accounts and posts expressing dissent towards Russian President Vladimir V. Putin or the war itself. In addition, the government implemented keyword blocking to censor LGBTQ+ terms on the site, further restricting access to information.
Jeffrey Knockel, one of the report’s authors, emphasizes the seismic impact of the Ukraine war and the subsequent need for Russia to control its citizens’ access to information regarding the invasion. The findings underscore the extreme political sensitivity surrounding the conflict.
The restriction of VK is just one aspect of Russia’s broader campaign to shape public opinion and suppress dissent using technology. This campaign encompasses a sophisticated internet censorship regime, a potent propaganda machine, and the deployment of digital surveillance tools to monitor people’s online activities and mobile phones.
Since the war’s inception, Russia has also blocked access to major international sites like Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter. To bypass these bans, many individuals in Russia have resorted to using virtual private networks (VPNs) to circumvent these controls.
Despite Mr. Putin’s unwavering determination to curtail online speech, Russia’s bureaucracy has had limited success in responding to real-time events. During a recent mutiny involving Yevgeny V. Prigozhin, the leader of the mercenary Wagner Group, Russia’s censors attempted to block content related to the uprising, such as Prigozhin’s name and that of the group. However, these efforts proved ineffective in stemming widespread discussions and media coverage of the event.
Nevertheless, platforms like Telegram and YouTube remain accessible in Russia and continue to serve as prominent sources of information.
The Citizen Lab report also highlights the stark discrepancy between the content available on VK in Canada, where the platform faces fewer restrictions, and what is viewable to Russian internet users. Numerous personal accounts, videos, and community groups related to the war are blocked for Russian users.
While Russia’s online content purges may not match the scale of those in other authoritarian countries like China and Iran, the techniques employed are strikingly similar. Russian censors primarily rely on blocking community and personal accounts on VK, echoing tactics commonly employed in China. Additionally, authorities utilize methods to prevent users from searching for specific words on the platform.
Overall, the report offers a disconcerting glimpse into the escalating censorship measures in Russia’s internet landscape following the invasion of Ukraine. The findings shed light on the lengths to which the government goes to control information flow and manipulate public opinion during times of political turmoil.
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