Silvio Berlusconi, a dominant figure in Italian politics for over three decades, passed away today at the age of 86. Initially considered peculiar and even bizarre, Berlusconi’s populist approach to politics has become increasingly familiar as others, including Donald Trump, have emulated him. As a media mogul, Berlusconi utilized his substantial wealth to exert significant political influence. His mastery of television allowed him to shape the culture of Italy. However, he was infamous for numerous scandalous affairs, faced multiple allegations of crimes, and undermined the rule of law by exceeding constitutional limits on his power. Above all, he succeeded in personalizing political conflicts, dividing the entire country between his supporters and opponents.
Berlusconi’s entry into Italian politics followed a major corruption scandal in the early 1990s that decimated the country’s established political parties. Initially, foreign observers regarded him with a mix of concern and amusement. With his macho demeanor, sexist jokes, and past as a cruise crooner and womanizer, Berlusconi appeared to be a character out of an 18th-century opera who had somehow arrived in the late 20th century and was engaging in an extended performance art. Consequently, international coverage of Berlusconi during the first decade of his political rise painted him as a backward and uniquely Italian figure, failing to recognize his potential as a harbinger of political developments in other countries.
Italy, known for its ties to the past and seemingly outdated culture, has a history of anticipating the political future. The medieval Italian city-states served as a crucial link between the republican traditions of ancient times and the new experiments in collective self-government pioneered in Britain’s North American colonies in the 18th century. In the early 20th century, Benito Mussolini’s vitriolic speeches initially appeared borrowed from the art form known as “commedia.” However, they served as a key inspiration to even more dangerous imitators in Germany and beyond. Italy once again proved to be an unexpected political laboratory with Berlusconi’s rise.
Berlusconi capitalized on backlash against real institutional shortcomings to ascend to power. His adversaries consistently underestimated him due to his crassness, inadvertently driving voters into his arms by openly expressing disdain for his supporters. He skillfully personalized political conflicts, portraying himself as a martyr in judicial proceedings, even likening himself to Jesus Christ. Despite failing to deliver on his promises to reverse economic stagnation and political decline, he maintained the loyalty of a significant segment of the population and dominated Italian politics for two decades.
Berlusconi’s greatest triumph lies not in his three terms as prime minister or his status as a senator at the time of his death, nor his ability to evade convictions while remaining one of Italy’s wealthiest individuals. His principal achievement is founding a tradition of demagogic politics that has defined the modern era in some of the world’s largest democracies, including Turkey, Brazil, India, and even the United States.
Toward the end of his life, Berlusconi’s influence began to wane. His mismanagement of the country’s public finances and the market’s lack of confidence in his ability to implement reforms resulted in a loss of majority support in Parliament, ultimately ending his last tenure as prime minister. His party, Forza Italia, cleverly named after the chant of Italian soccer fans supporting their national team, steadily declined in popularity. While it garnered 47% of the vote in 2008, it only achieved 8% in 2022.
This is good news, as it demonstrates that even larger-than-life populists can eventually lose their grip on a political system. By the time of his death, Berlusconi led a minor coalition partner in a government that responded to his intemperate demands with condescending smiles.
However, there is also a downside. The demise of populists like Berlusconi rarely brings about the desired salvation. The corrosive influence Berlusconi had on Italy’s political system remains apparent, and his departure is unlikely to heal the country’s divisions.
Giorgia Meloni and Matteo Salvini, the two remaining leaders of Italy’s far right, may have fewer conflicts of interest or personal motives to favor a weakened judiciary. However, they hold a stronger ideological commitment to the hard right and a deeper admiration for leaders such as Viktor Orbán and Vladimir Putin. This trend extends beyond Italy.
Berlusconi exposed the vulnerability of institutional safeguards in supposedly consolidated democracies, as they are often weaker than politicians and political scientists assume. He himself remained a deeply personalistic politician, relying on his charisma and primarily caring about his own interests. Berlusconi’s successors are equally willing to bend the rules or exploit their image for purposes that could cause even greater damage.
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