Reasons behind the Disdain of the Populist Right Towards Universities

In the spring of 2017, Viktor Orbán, the Prime Minister of Hungary, made it illegal for the Central European University (CEU) to offer U.S.-accredited degrees at its Budapest campus. However, this move was more than just an attack on its founder, George Soros. As the former president and rector of the CEU at that time, I witnessed the powerful demonstration of over 50,000 citizens of Budapest who marched in defense of our academic freedom. They understood that their own freedom was at stake.

Orbán’s efforts to control universities didn’t stop with the CEU. He also targeted Hungary’s prestigious scientific institution, the Academy of Science, by removing its independent research institutes. Furthermore, he forced the privatization of a significant portion of Hungary’s university system and replaced its governing boards with party loyalists. He invested heavily in the Mathias Corvinus Collegium, a new elite institution aimed at providing a traditional and patriotic education for the Hungarian elite.

This assault on universities was part of a larger geostrategic realignment for Orbán. After expelling a U.S.-accredited institution, he tried to replace it with a campus for Fudan University, a Chinese institution that acknowledges the leading role of the Chinese Communist Party. He also distanced himself further from NATO and the European Union.

Orbán’s pro-Russian stance and his evictions of higher-education institutions with U.S. accreditation have attracted support from foreign conservatives. Figures such as Mike Pence, Tucker Carlson, and right-wing intellectuals have shown admiration for Orbán’s authoritarian leadership. American conservatives are not the only ones drawn to Orbán’s actions. He has become the figurehead of a global national-conservative movement, with support from leaders such as Giorgia Meloni, Marine Le Pen, Santiago Abascal, Jaroslaw Kaczynski, Benjamin Netanyahu, and others.

Orbán’s appeal to American conservatives lies in his understanding of politics as a struggle for cultural dominance. Like Antonio Gramsci, he recognizes the influence of universities in this battle. This is evident in Governor Ron DeSantis’s focus on gaining control of the Florida education system and reshaping university curricula. This manipulation of education has become a battleground for the soul of America.

Attacking universities also taps into the resentments of those who haven’t attended higher education, exploiting their dislike for the privileges that a college degree can bring. Right-wing populists recognize this vulnerability and target institutions that lack significant political influence.

In conclusion, Orbán’s actions against universities in Hungary have made him a prominent figure in the global national-conservative movement. His control of education and cultural narrative appeals to right-wing populists seeking to reshape their countries’ futures. However, the fight for cultural hegemony in diverse and divided nations like the United States may prove to be a far-fetched endeavor.

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