The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) made an unprecedented announcement today that Jens Stoltenberg, their secretary-general for the past nine years, will continue his position for an exceptional tenth year. This news, which had already been predicted by various esteemed sources such as The Times of London, the Financial Times, Politico, and defense-industry newsletters, led me to meet Stoltenberg in his minimalist office at NATO’s elegant Brussels headquarters. The office featured clean white walls, a gray carpet, and a functional design. Curious about the decision to extend his tenure, I asked him about his plans.”I have only one plan, and that is to return to Norway,” he replied with a straight face. I arched an eyebrow in response. Stoltenberg confessed that he had received several requests for him to stay on, but he refused to comment any further. Not even hypothetically. I eagerly awaited the inevitable official announcement, which was finally made this morning. In the statement, Stoltenberg expressed his “honored” sentiment and highlighted the increasing importance of NATO in today’s more perilous world.This remarkable event perfectly exemplifies why Stoltenberg is so well-liked. NATO is an alliance built on defense, representing a diverse range of countries and regions, including Eastern Europe, Southern Europe, Scandinavia, Turkey, Britain, and France. Consensus is crucial in decision-making within NATO. Therefore, the secretary-general doesn’t need to personally engage in battles or win wars. That responsibility falls on the supreme allied commander, always an American, as well as the 31 NATO heads of state and their respective armies. The secretary-general, always a European, succeeds by effectively communicating with all parties, finding common ground, negotiating compromises, remaining discreet, and never making himself the center of attention, even when the spotlight is on him.Such individuals, often referred to as “Multilateral Man” (although they can be women too), have faced criticism in recent years. Detractors of the European Union, NATO, and the various bureaucratic organizations based in Washington, Geneva, and Brussels label their employees as “unelected bureaucrats.” Multilateral Man is accused of laziness, wastefulness, and powerlessness. Critics, in an era that glorifies “sovereignty,” “national interest,” and the achievements of strong leaders (often labeled as “strongmen”), dismiss Multilateral Man as parasitic or irrelevant. At times, these critics may have valid points.However, Stoltenberg holds his position precisely because he genuinely believes in multilateral organizations, particularly NATO. Even more importantly, he believes they are force multipliers that outperform autocracies governed by strong leaders. He has passionately argued this viewpoint with NATO critics, including Donald Trump, whom he famously convinced with bar charts showing increases in allied military spending. (“I love graphs,” Stoltenberg once told me.)He also sees value in ongoing rounds of negotiations regarding alliance policies, as they ultimately foster a stronger sense of commitment. To those who claim that NATO isn’t efficient, he poses the question: “Compared to what?” Undoubtedly, NATO may not have a swift decision-making process, but without NATO, there would be no collective decision-making process whatsoever. Stoltenberg firmly believes in collective defense and the principle of one for all and all for one, where an attack on one ally triggers a response from the others. This perspective isn’t solely beneficial for smaller nations, but also for larger nations like the United States. Everyone requires allies, even Americans.Technically speaking, Stoltenberg isn’t an unelected bureaucrat. He has been “elected” four times by NATO heads of state, twice for regular terms and twice for extensions. Moreover, he has substantial experience as an elected politician. During his tenure as the Prime Minister of Norway from 2000 to 2001 and again from 2005 to 2013, he led coalition governments and became skilled at forging compromises. Growing up as the son of a prominent Norwegian politician, who served as both defense minister and foreign minister, Stoltenberg regularly shared breakfast with world leaders, including Nelson Mandela. Consequently, he learned the value of building personal connections. At one point, he casually mentioned to a radio station that he only realized many years later that inviting foreign leaders into one’s kitchen isn’t considered normal.Practicality has eliminated the possibility of breakfast meetings in today’s world. However, according to those close to Stoltenberg, he compensates by sending a flurry of text messages and continuously visiting NATO member capitals. Last month, he attended the inauguration of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, spending additional time in Istanbul while discussing Swedish accession. In the 48 hours leading up to our meeting, he met with the prime ministers of Denmark and Bulgaria, as well as the president of France. He had also previously participated in a training exercise in Lithuania and attended a meeting of the European Council, which includes the heads of state from all European Union members. Despite this busy schedule, if Stoltenberg felt fatigued, he did not make any complaints.At this particular moment, Stoltenberg’s dedication to the dangers posed by Russia and his affinity for Ukraine strongly qualify him for his role. Care must be taken when discussing this topic, as the full details of the package NATO will offer Ukraine at the Vilnius summit in Lithuania next week are yet unknown. Ukraine has requested full NATO membership, which is not a new development as it was first seriously discussed at a NATO summit in 2008. However, the decision made at that time—denying Ukraine a path to admission while implying that it might be granted in the future—proved to be the worst possible outcome. It left Ukraine in a gray area, aspiring to join the Western world without any Western security guarantees. The global landscape has changed since then, and more countries now entertain the idea of Ukrainian membership. While the Biden administration remains hesitant to support this move during ongoing conflict, fearing the immediate involvement of American soldiers, it may eventually consider it.Simultaneously, NATO will present proposals for long-term military integration and support to Ukraine. This involves transitioning Ukraine from Soviet to Western weapons systems and establishing new institutional arrangements such as a NATO-Ukraine council. While these may not sound significant to those outside the Brussels bubble, they hold immense importance for those within it. Discussions are also underway to expedite the process. At some point, Ukraine, similar to Finland and Sweden, may receive membership without requiring an extensive membership action plan. Some countries may even offer bilateral assurances.Understandably, Stoltenberg refused to disclose which countries hold specific positions, despite widespread reports. He stated that his primary task is not to provide interesting answers but to ensure progress is made regarding Ukraine’s membership. Julianne Smith, the U.S. ambassador to NATO, informed me that Stoltenberg has not sought the least common denominator in negotiations. Instead, he strives to secure the best possible deal for Ukraine. This may partly be American spin ahead of the summit, but it also serves a broader purpose. As Russian President Vladimir Putin believes time is on his side, one of NATO’s primary goals is to convince him otherwise. NATO aims to demonstrate that the alliance will continuously support Ukraine. The phrase “long term” frequently arises in transatlantic discussions about Ukraine, as does the term “permanent.” Stoltenberg’s prolonged tenure reinforces this message as well.It begs the question of why a former leader of the Norwegian Labour Party (and a youthful anti-war activist) is so deeply committed to this cause. A few months ago, I witnessed Stoltenberg speaking with great passion about Ukraine at a private event. I took the opportunity to ask him about it last week. He revealed that this devotion stems from personal experiences. During the Cold War, he visited the then-Communist Eastern Europe and observed stark differences between its inhabitants and their Western counterparts. “I thought these were totally different people,” he recalled. “They had different clothing, everything smelled different… and it was really dark, and it was so far away. But now I go to Riga or…”.
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