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When the Knesset limited the authority of Israel’s supreme court this week, it marked a crucial moment in the nation’s history. If the law goes into effect and survives legal challenges, it will erode the independence of the judiciary and its role as the protector of liberal-democratic values. However, Benjamin Netanyahu is willing to pay this price to maintain his government, even if it exacerbates divisions in Israel.
Mr. Netanyahu leads the most ultranationalist and religiously conservative government since the country’s establishment. His politics thrive on division, portraying liberal Israelis who uphold the status quo as enemies to unite his supporters against. Israel’s social contract has already been partly shattered by growing inequality, with one-fifth of Israelis and nearly half of the ultra-Orthodox population living below the poverty line.
While there are demands to safeguard democracy within Israel, the protesters have notably been quieter about the denial of rights to Palestinians in the occupied West Bank. Israeli forces have maintained control there since 1967. Some demonstrators did chant “Where were you in Hawara?” after a horrific attack by Israeli settlers seeking revenge for the murder of two Palestinians. Nonetheless, the Israeli army, which has been criticized for insufficient action against what even right-wing commentators labeled as “Jewish terrorism,” was present. This prompts the question of why Israelis were in Hawara in the first place.
Mr. Netanyahu’s extremist allies have gained political significance due to the uncontrolled expansion of illegal settlements in the occupied territories and the surging ultra-Orthodox population. Religious Zionism, which embraces an ideology of Jewish supremacy, and United Torah Judaism, which seeks to maintain and subsidize the ultra-Orthodox way of life, are the pillars of the government. Both groups view the supreme court as an obstacle to their ambitions. The success of the far right can be attributed to Mr. Netanyahu, who has polarized Israeli politics through fifteen years of normalizing racism, political smears, and lies. The scale of deception is exemplified by Mr. Netanyahu, who, despite claiming to be a vigorous 73-year-old, recently surprised the public with emergency surgery for a well-known heart problem.
The ruling coalition won last year’s election by a slim margin of just 30,000 votes. Nevertheless, it has proposed all but eliminating the supreme court’s role as the sole check on executive power. When faced with backlash, the government circumvented the opposition by gradually implementing its agenda through smaller bills. This approach allows them to exploit their supporters’ outrage, claiming that the opponents are overreacting.
There is no indication that the government intends to slow down. A member of Mr. Netanyahu’s party even suggests that the government is prepared to override court rulings that invalidate legislation. Now, the ultra-religious party seeks to solidify military draft exemptions in Israel’s quasi-constitutional Basic Law. If the politics of compromise and consensus are abandoned in such an arrogant manner, it becomes difficult to imagine how Israel’s current character can be preserved.
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