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At the time of writing, the US does not have an ambassador in Egypt. Currently, a chargé d’affaires is fulfilling the role, while the nominee for the permanent position enters her seventh month in the Surrealist theater production known as the Senate confirmation process. This delay is not specific to Egypt, as there is also a similar hold-up in appointing US ambassadors to Kuwait, Oman, and Israel.
The lack of permanent ambassadors extends beyond the Middle East, with Nigeria and Djibouti also currently without US ambassadors. It seems that the nation’s focus may be shifted toward its own hemisphere, particularly given the ongoing situation at the southern border with frequent arrivals of migrants from Latin America. However, even countries like Colombia, Peru, and Guatemala, which play a significant role in this migration, do not have US ambassadors.
Meanwhile, in the Indo-Pacific region, the US has ensured its presence by maintaining a well-staffed diplomatic corps. Malaysia is one of the few regional powers without a permanent US ambassador. In this zone of competition between the US and China, America is decisive and proactive. China is considered the main economic and military challenger to the US, and it has become the country’s primary focus.
This intense focus on China has its drawbacks, as recent events in the Middle East have demonstrated. Having underestimated China for many years, America’s elites have now exaggerated their attention towards the Indo-Pacific region. While this made sense when other regions were relatively stable, the current situation in Europe, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and the chaos in the Sahel have highlighted the need for a more balanced approach.
Additionally, the intermittent crisis at the Mexican border, slowed by the Covid-19 pandemic, makes it harder for the US to shift its attention solely towards China. It is essential to gain perspective and recognize that the US-China relationship, although significant, is not the only important aspect of the world. This was easier to overlook in previous years when non-Chinese challenges to US interests seemed less imminent.
During this period, the US allowed the China issue to overshadow its relations with other countries. Iran, for example, received less attention as diplomatic efforts were redirected towards the Indo-Pacific region. There have also been tensions with the EU over industrial protectionism, primarily aimed at countering China. However, recent events, such as the October 7 attack in Israel and the invasion of Ukraine, have shown that the US cannot solely focus on its “real” project.
The US currently finds itself in the most challenging phase of an empire’s life cycle. While its relative power in the world has declined from its peak, its responsibilities remain vast. Prioritization is necessary, yet also risky. If the US hadn’t taken action in response to the Hamas attack on Israel or provided support to Ukraine, it could have been perceived as isolationism or a reluctant superpower, encouraging further challenges from its adversaries.
Fortunately, history shows that other countries have faced similar predicaments. Britain’s empire reached its maximal extent 100 years ago, well before it started to lose its industrial advantage to rising powers like Germany, Japan, and the US. The US must employ astute statecraft to navigate through its version of this late-imperial situation.
De-prioritizing China is not a viable option. While there have been attempts at reconciliation and a potential summit between Joe Biden and Xi Jinping, the underlying tension in interests and values cannot be ignored. Ultimately, the US is left with the only foreign policy that befits a great power—the pivot to everywhere.
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