Watch out for what you desire

August 1 is a significant day as it marks the death anniversaries of two former presidents of the Philippines, Manuel L. Quezon and Corazon C. Aquino. When Corazon Aquino passed away, her continuous criticism and opposition against then President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo seemed to have little impact, causing many to believe that her standing among the people had diminished. Some even feared that the public would be indifferent to her passing. However, something unexpected happened. The society, disillusioned with the administration but equally unimpressed with the opposition, recognized how steadfastly Cory held on to her principles. Even in the face of cancer, she encouraged civil society and whistleblowers to speak truth to power. This introspection led to the belief, validated by the polls, that the electable counterpart to Mrs. Arroyo was Cory’s son, Noynoy. Eventually, Rodrigo R. Duterte became the electable opposite of the late President Benigno S. Aquino III. This outcome was influenced by a long-running behind-the-scenes Marcos rehabilitation campaign that gained momentum in the mid-2000s through social media, demonizing Mrs. Aquino and garnering support for Mrs. Arroyo. Although Ferdinand R. Marcos Jr. was elected as the opposite of Duterte in many ways, it was still a partnership between the Marcoses and Duterte that prevailed, keeping the coalition in power. This feat had not been achieved since Fidel V. Ramos won the presidency in 1992, leading to a 12-year rule for the Edsa coalition. The relentless attack on the Aquinos is based on the argument initially put forth by defenders of Arroyo: “pare-pareho lang sila” or “they are all the same.” This argument implies that success is its own reward when the elements of idealism and principles are eliminated from the equation. The Marcoses simplified the narrative to the Aquinos versus the Marcoses in the past 30 years, successfully undermining the accountability of the Aquinos and diminishing their reputation in the face of the country’s unflattering realities. This contrasts with a young population easily enticed by romanticized stories of the Maharlika. Historically, similar narratives have played out, such as the election of Louis Napoleon, who was Napoleon Bonaparte’s nephew, despite the French people rejecting his uncle. The misuse of nostalgia has allowed for the repetition of history, with the first instance being a tragedy and the second being farcical, as noted by Karl Marx. Within the ruling coalition, there is an increasing criticism of the Marcos Restoration, demonstrating this cycle. However, there is another phenomenon occurring – the narrowing of democratic space that the Marcoses have comfortably occupied since their restoration, which took longer than the rise of the “Real Makoy.” It is my belief that Ferdinand Marcos Sr., deliberately or not, represented traditional notions of the presidency and our political culture. His dictatorship garnered public support because it resonated with many, even a majority, while opposition to his regime represented a different culture and idea of leadership and governance. The pressures of modern life have caused a global revival of attraction towards one-party, strongman rule. This revival has also led to a radicalization of both proponents of liberal democracy and new forms of authoritarianism. While some who opposed the Marcos Restoration have turned away from politics out of disappointment and resentment, many have become more extreme in their views. The Marcos Restoration, even within its own coalition, is deeply flawed because it seamlessly integrates itself into post-Edsa institutions, gradually restoring their functions while adhering to its own principles. Examples of this can be seen in the treatment of human rights, the purge of the police, and the lack of interest in scrapping the 1987 Constitution at the highest levels of power. Having achieved their goal of displacing the Aquinos, the Marcoses now face the challenge of sustaining their position.

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