August 1
August marks the arrival of high humidity in official Washington, leading to the departure of key figures like White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki, Secretary of State Antony Blinken, and their boss to seek refuge elsewhere. In 2021, Psaki and her family headed to the beach, Blinken visited his father in the Hamptons, and their boss retreated to Camp David.
However, they all knew that their focus would soon shift to a significant date at the end of the month. On August 31, the United States would officially conclude its withdrawal from Afghanistan, putting an end to the longest war in American history.
While the State Department didn’t expect to resolve Afghanistan’s problems entirely by that date, there was hope that they could negotiate some sort of agreement between the warring factions. This would involve the resignation of President Ashraf Ghani, leading to a transfer of power to a governing coalition that included the Taliban. Secretary Blinken even discussed the idea of flying to Doha, Qatar, to oversee the signing of an accord.
While this would be an ending, it wouldn’t mark the end entirely. Within the State Department, there was a strong belief that even after August 31, the embassy in Kabul would remain open to continue certain aid programs and issue visas, albeit with reduced staff. The United States, particularly the State Department, was determined not to abandon the country.
Contingency plans for worst-case scenarios had been prepared, but nobody anticipated that they would actually be needed. Intelligence assessments suggested that the Afghan military could resist the Taliban for several months, but as August began, it became clear that the Taliban was advancing faster than anticipated. The grim future of Afghanistan seemed distant, beyond the end of the month and not yet a concern for the United States.
August 1, 2021: President Joe Biden addresses reporters before his departure to Camp David from the White House. (Anna Moneymaker / Getty)
Unfortunately, that grim future arrived sooner than expected, leading to a disastrous month of withdrawal. What follows is an intimate account of that difficult time, narrated by those directly involved. This account is based on numerous interviews conducted shortly after the events, capturing the raw emotions and fresh memories. Speaking to these individuals made me feel like their confessor, as they desperately felt the need to explain themselves and relive the intense moments of drama and pain that surpassed anything in their careers.
During those chaotic days, foreign policy became starkly real, moving beyond abstract debates and sanitized situations in the Situation Room. President Joe Biden and his team faced the harsh consequences of their decisions.
Even in the midst of the crisis, as they grappled with the logistics of mass evacuation, Biden’s close circle of advisors recognized that the outcome of this month would linger and impact future elections, and perhaps even their own obituaries. Though their shortcomings were evident, they also believed that their response demonstrated resilience and improvisational skill.
In the midst of the crisis, with his character and leadership abilities tested, President Biden revealed himself. For someone often seen as politically flexible, he displayed determination and even stubbornness in the face of fierce criticism from establishment figures whose approval he typically sought. Despite his reputation for empathy, he appeared detached and cold when confronted with the impending human suffering.
When it came to foreign policy, Biden exuded a confident self-assuredness. He had little regard for diplomats and pundits who engaged in endless pontification at conferences. In his view, they were risk-averse, attached to institutions, and lacking critical thinking skills. I once asked him why he attended so many of these events if he held such negative views, and he replied, “If I don’t go, they’re going to get stale as hell.”
With twelve years as the top Democrat on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and eight years as vice president, Biden developed a belief that he could cut through conventional wisdom. He distrusted the experts, even those he had hired for his own staff. They only complicated matters with complex theories. He would often tell them, “You foreign-policy guys think this is all pretty complicated. But it’s just like dealing with difficult family dynamics.” For him, diplomacy was about convincing a troublesome relative to change their behavior.
Among all the subjects that provoked his contrarian nature, the war in Afghanistan was at the forefront. His strong opinions were formed through personal experience. As early as 2001, shortly after the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan, Biden began visiting the country. He would travel with a sleeping bag and endure the same conditions as the soldiers, standing in line for his turn to shower.
During his first visit in 2002, Biden had a tense meeting with Interior Minister Yunus Qanuni in a rundown office in Kabul. Qanuni, a former mujahideen fighter, expressed gratitude for Biden’s presence but also voiced concerns about America’s history of making and breaking promises. Biden, in a jet-lagged and irritable state, threatened Qanuni, causing his aides to intervene and calm him down.
For Biden, ingratitude was a significant offense. The United States had ousted the Taliban, sacrificed the lives of young soldiers, and provided billions in aid to the Afghan government. Yet, Afghan officials constantly complained that the U.S. hadn’t done enough. This frustration stayed with Biden and shaped his views on the war. He could see that the Afghan government was failing, and that the ambitious nation-building efforts were beyond America’s abilities.
As vice president under Barack Obama, Biden witnessed the military pushing for more troops to salvage a lost cause. In Obama’s memoir, he recounted Biden pulling him aside and warning him about the generals who were trying to constrain him. He whispered, “Don’t let them jam you.” This experience solidified Biden’s belief that he could succeed where Obama had failed, avoiding being cornered by the generals.
In early February 2021, President Biden invited Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Mark Milley to the Oval Office. He acknowledged their personal investment in the war and the loss of friends. Biden had engaged in conversations with fellow senator Chuck Hagel during their visits to military bases, discussing the psychology of defeat and the reluctance to accept failure. Biden wanted to avoid putting his generals in a corner while still steering them toward his desired outcome. He wanted them to feel heard and understood…
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