In a display of both historical and contemporary relevance, we reflect on an event that occurred 85 years ago, involving British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain and his journey to Munich. Chamberlain’s purpose was to prevent a large-scale conflict that loomed due to Adolf Hitler’s intention to invade Czechoslovakia and liberate the German-descended population in the Sudetenland region.
In an attempt to condense the story, Chamberlain succumbed to Hitler’s demands, receiving a few empty promises in return. They signed an agreement pledging to resolve future disputes through consultation instead of resorting to force. One can only imagine Hitler’s suppressed amusement as he put pen to paper.
Upon his return to Britain, Chamberlain naively declared that he had achieved “peace for our time.” However, German forces seized the remaining parts of Czechoslovakia the following spring, and Hitler celebrated the one-year anniversary of the Munich agreement by invading Poland.
Fast-forward to the present day, where we find ourselves contemplating the question of whether Vivek Ramaswamy can make appeasement popular once again. Ramaswamy possesses significant advantages over the conservative and inflexible Chamberlain, as he exudes the charm and charisma reminiscent of both a pharmaceutical and tech entrepreneur. He possesses the ability to skillfully navigate rhetoric, whether it be deflecting blame through claims of being misquoted or taken out of context, or refusing to play into the media’s manipulative games.
However, eventually, someone with no experience in politics or diplomacy must present attention-grabbing ideas. Last month, Ramaswamy did just that by offering a combination of proposals. While Chamberlain simply surrendered a chunk of territory to an authoritarian regime, Ramaswamy proposes handing over eastern Ukraine to Russia, while signaling a willingness to allow China to do as it pleases with Taiwan once the US has sufficient semiconductor capabilities. Undoubtedly, this proposal sparks intrigue.
To provide an accurate portrayal of Ramaswamy’s Ukraine doctrine, he summarized it in a recent manifesto in The American Conservative. He conveyed his acceptance of Russian control over occupied territories and pledged to prevent Ukraine’s NATO membership in exchange for Russia severing ties with China. Additionally, he aims to lift sanctions and reintegrate Russia into the global market, positioning Russia as a strategic opponent to China’s ambitions in East Asia.
Critics raised valid concerns regarding Ramaswamy’s proposed enforcement of severing the military alliance between Russia and China, a concept that lacks tangibility when compared to the concrete reality of the Donbas region spanning thousands of square miles. Despite drawing criticism from various ideological factions, including other GOP candidates, Tori Otten of the New Republic criticized Ramaswamy for implying that the United States has the authority to give away parts of a sovereign nation. This criticism prompts us to ponder what actions can and cannot be taken by one nation concerning another.
Regarding Taiwan, Ramaswamy discussed his commitment to stand with the embattled island in an interview with radio host Hugh Hewitt. He suggests that China would be deterred from aggression towards Taiwan until the end of his first term in 2028 if the US demonstrates its seriousness in arming and defending Taiwan. However, he clarifies that this commitment would change once semiconductor independence is achieved. This perspective forces us to consider the potential consequences and risks faced by Xi Jinping when presented with this scenario.
If I were in Xi Jinping’s shoes and heard such statements, I might be motivated to set a calendar reminder to contemplate invading Taiwan in 2029. The audacity of Ramaswamy’s proposal lies in the fact that he presented it as an oral report at the Nixon Library, where he praised Richard Nixon for his “realist” approach to foreign affairs. It is worth noting that realism forms the basis of any proposal that may be considered radical.
Interestingly, Ramaswamy failed to mention that when Israel faced invasion by a Soviet-backed Arab coalition in 1973, the Nixon administration responded similarly to the Biden administration, Congress, and NATO allies in the face of the Ukraine invasion. They provided Israel with the necessary firepower to defend its territory, disregarding the economic ramifications of angering OPEC.
Perhaps if OPEC manufactured semiconductors, the outcome would have been different.
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